Hong Kong has always been a place of constant change, and its residents largely agree that “change is an eternity”. All modern societies are subject to change, otherwise they would not conform to the nature of contemporary culture and the laws of historical development. Indeed, a core purpose of the “one country, two systems” policy is to “maintain Hong Kong’s capitalist system and way of life unchanged for 50 years”.
However, this formulation should not be narrowly understood or distorted to mean that 50 years after Hong Kong’s return to the motherland, nothing will change, can be changed, or should be changed, or that the city can only make minor changes. In any case, Hong Kong has experienced many significant changes over the past 27 years. Even so, not a few people still resort to the “no change in 50 years” mantra to obstruct reforms for various reasons such as safeguarding their own interests, fear of change, nostalgia for the past, intention to impede the governance of the special administrative region government, and resistance to the central government.
Worse, the anti-China disruptive forces in Hong Kong and external forces have, from time to time and due to ulterior motives, referred to some of the changes in Hong Kong — such as the central government providing guidance on the city’s development, the HKSAR government strengthening the city’s ability to safeguard national security, the government stepping up efforts in economic and industrial development, and the city’s continuous integration into national development — as examples of the “deterioration” of the “one country, two systems” framework and the central government “reneging” on its pledges to Hong Kong’s residents.
In recent years, national leaders have repeatedly urged Hong Kong to adopt reforms to safeguard national security, improve governance efficiency, promote economic development and industrial transformation, improve people’s livelihoods, and promote patriotic education. For example, President Xi Jinping said during his inspection of Hong Kong in July, 2022: “The central government fully supports Hong Kong in actively and steadily advancing reforms, breaking down the barriers of entrenched interests, and fully unleashing the huge creativity and development vitality contained in Hong Kong society.”
On Dec 13, Xi pledged to fully support the HKSAR government in “uniting and leading all sectors of society to reform and work hard to actively align with national strategies, create new drivers of economic development and new advantages, and promote Hong Kong’s transition from order to prosperity through innovation and creation so as to make more significant contributions to the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.”
On Dec 19, Xi said during his inspection tour in Macao that “the country has high expectations for Hong Kong and hopes that Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu and the SAR government will implement steady governance and do their best to improve the economy, seek development, and strive to create new glory for Hong Kong.” Xia Baolong, director of the Hong Kong and Macao Work Office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, has expressed similar sentiments on several occasions. On Aug 30, Xia emphasized that Hong Kong must adapt to the changing times, accurately identify changes, respond to change scientifically, seek changes proactively, open up new prospects in the changing situation, and continuously ignite the enormous vitality and development potential of Hong Kong.
However, some people in Hong Kong are dismissive of, and resistant to, national leaders’ expectations that Hong Kong needs to respond actively to the new situation through reform and innovation. They believe that Hong Kong does not need to make significant changes because its systems and policies are still correct and superior, and they have enough flexibility and resilience to cope with various problems and challenges. They believe that in the face of changes in the internal and external situation, “keeping the same in response to changes” is still a wiser strategy for Hong Kong, and even if there needs to be change, it should only be piecemeal.
Deng Xiaoping, the chief architect of the “one country, two systems” policy, said as early as 1984, that “no change for 50 years” did not mean that nothing would, could or should change in Hong Kong after its return to the motherland. He said, “If someone says nothing will change, don’t believe him. We can’t say everything under Hong Kong’s capitalist system is perfect. Advanced capitalist countries also have advantages and disadvantages if compared with each other. Isn’t change also a chance to lead Hong Kong in a healthier direction? Hong Kong’s people will welcome such changes and demand changes. I’m certain about it.” Undoubtedly Deng meant that the capitalist system can and should be continuously improved upon. The purpose of improvement is to strengthen Hong Kong’s governance efficiency, sustain economic development, continuously improve people’s livelihoods, and make society fairer and more just. It seems today that Deng’s observations and advice regarding Hong Kong are especially wise and farsighted.
To make Hong Kong’s capitalist system and society better, to enable the city to serve the national mission to build the country into a great power and achieve national rejuvenation, and to live up to the expectations of President Xi and the central government, the tenet of “no change for 50 years” should not be used as a pretext to hamper the progress of the country and the SAR
First, needless to say, Hong Kong has faced significant changes since the handover that were unimaginable before its return. Before the handover, many people estimated that the country’s modernization would only advance at a moderate pace for an extended period after the handover. Therefore, there would still be a massive gap between Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland regarding the level of development, living standards and the economy’s structure. The mainland would still rely heavily on Hong Kong’s capital, enterprises, markets, technology and talent. Practically, no people back then would have expected the country to develop at such a stunning rate.
However, following Hong Kong’s handover, it has increasingly come to rely on the mainland’s capital, enterprises, markets, technologies and talent to promote its development. Nobody had anticipated the key role played by the central government’s preferential policies in Hong Kong’s development.
Second, the relationship between the United States-led West and Hong Kong was good before and after the handover. The US and its allies even “hoped” that Hong Kong could promote “peaceful evolution” in the Chinese mainland, but this “longing” no longer exists today. On the contrary, to execute their strategy of containing China’s rise, the US and its allies have made Hong Kong a target for attack and vilification. The historic reversal in the relationship between Hong Kong and the US-led West are massive mutations that the HKSAR government and all sectors of society must fully understand and deal with skillfully, courageously and forcefully. The primary response strategy is to deeply align Hong Kong’s development plan with the national development strategy, accelerate its integration into the country’s overall development, and strive to expand its presence in the non-Western world to procure new development space and opportunities.
Third, in the past, the mainland relied heavily on Hong Kong to “bring in” foreign capital, enterprises, technology and resources as well as to tap overseas markets. Today, this “bringing in” role remains essential. However, with the country’s rapid rise, mainland enterprises, capital, technology and talent must continue to “go out” to explore broader markets and acquire more resources needed for national development. The country needs to expand its space for international activities continuously, and the Belt and Road Initiative, the BRICS cooperation mechanism, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership are essential. As an international metropolis with extensive global connections, Hong Kong is bound to play a significant role in the country’s strategy of further opening-up and development. As the US-led West is determined to contain China’s rise, although Hong Kong’s role as a bridge between the mainland and the West has declined, it still has considerable value. At the same time, Hong Kong must fully leverage its unique advantages under the “one country, two systems” policy to better assist and work with the mainland to build stronger economic ties with countries in the non-Western world. On Dec 20, President Xi emphasized in his speech in Macao that the two SARs should give full play to their unique advantages, take a more open and inclusive posture to extensively expand international connections, and enhance global influence and attraction, thereby playing the role of a bridge in the country’s new development pattern. Finally, Hong Kong’s original industrial structure is facing increasingly severe challenges with the rapid development of the country’s economy, the rapid advancement of science and technology, and the rise of many emerging economies. Hong Kong urgently needs to expand its industrial base, cultivate new, high-tech, and high-value-added industries, and enhance the competitiveness of existing industries to inject endless impetus into its long-term economic development, improve people’s livelihoods, and advance the career development of young people. Otherwise, we will face the malaise of economic recession, stagnant or deteriorating people’s livelihoods, a shortage of government revenue to meet people’s needs, and social instability. To this end, Hong Kong must plan for economic and industrial development and integrate its planning with the country’s development strategy.
None of the abovementioned mammoth historical changes had been predicted before Hong Kong returned to the motherland. They also mean that the practice of “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong has entered a new stage. President Xi succinctly emphasized in his speech in Macao: “The current and future period is critical for comprehensively promoting the building of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation with Chinese-style modernization. The ‘one country, two systems’ practice has also entered a new stage. To achieve better development in Hong Kong and Macao, making greater contributions to the construction of a strong country and national rejuvenation is an important mission of the practice of ‘one country, two systems’ in the new era.” Xi’s four aspirations for Macao are also relevant and applicable to Hong Kong. Hong Kong must prudently combine its advantages and resources, position itself accurately, focus on key points, improve industrial development planning, increase policy support and capital investment, and strive to cultivate new industries with international competitiveness. Hong Kong must focus on improving the governance efficiency of the SAR, especially in innovating governance concepts, improving governance methods, strengthening macro-coordination, building an efficient and promising service-oriented government, and igniting the huge vitality and development potential embedded in society. Hong Kong must improve its mechanisms to better play a role in the country’s opening-up, actively align with the national development strategy, continuously improve international competitiveness, actively participate in high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road, expand its international “circle of friends”, and create an essential bridgehead for the country’s high-level opening-up. It must also make good use of the cultural advantages of China and the West, promote international cultural exchanges, tell the story of Hong Kong well, and create an essential window for exchanges and mutual learning between Chinese and Western civilizations. In addition, Hong Kong must strive to maintain social stability, be prepared for danger in times of crisis, endeavor to prevent various risks, and resolutely safeguard national security and the stability of the city.
From a development perspective, Hong Kong’s practice of “one country, two systems” has entered a new stage because of various historical changes in the city, the mainland and abroad.
To cope with these new challenges, the HKSAR government and all sectors of society must recognize, embrace and adapt to change, and work together to complete the required tasks. The transformation of government functions and institutions, reform and innovation of policies, and the joint efforts of the government and society will become the central themes of Hong Kong in the coming years. To make Hong Kong’s capitalist system and society better, to enable the city to serve the national mission to build the country into a great power and achieve national rejuvenation, and to live up to the expectations of President Xi and the central government, the tenet of “no change for 50 years” should not be used as a pretext to hamper the progress of the country and the SAR.
The author is a professor emeritus of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and a consultant with the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies.
The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.
